Mon. Dec 23rd, 2024

Astana, 28 November 2024

A regular session of the Collective Security Council of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) took place in Astana.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin, President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko, President of Kazakhstan Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, President of Kyrgyzstan Sadyr Japarov, President of Tajikistan Emomali Rahmon, and CSTO Secretary General Imangali Tasmagambetov attended the restricted format meeting.

The meeting continued in an expanded format, with the participation of delegation members. Attending the meeting on the Russian side were Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, Security Council Secretary Sergei Shoigu, Defence Minister Andrei Belousov, Deputy Chief of Staff of the Presidential Executive Office – Presidential Press Secretary Dmitry Peskov, Presidential Aide Yury Ushakov, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Russian Federation to the Republic of Kazakhstan Alexei Borodavkin and Plenipotentiary Representative of the Russian Federation to the Collective Security Treaty Organisation Viktor Vasilyev.

Secretary-General of the Commonwealth of Independent States Sergei Lebedev and Secretary-General of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Zhang Ming were also invited to take part in the expanded format meeting of the CSTO’s Collective Security Council.

A large package of documents was signed following the summit.

The documents include the Declaration of the Collective Security Council of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation and the Statement of the Collective Security Council of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation on the 80th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War of 1941–1945, as well as a decision on a plan of scheduled events to celebrate this anniversary.

The sides also signed decisions of the CSTO’s Collective Security Council on the Targeted Interstate Programme of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation to Reinforce the Tajik-Afghan Border, on Further Strengthening Allied Relations within the Collective Security Treaty Organisation, on the List of Standard Modern and Advanced Weapons Systems, Military and Special-Purpose Equipment for the Collective Rapid Deployment Forces of the Central Asia Collective Security Region, and a number of other documents.

Source: The Russian Kremlin

 


Speech by Russian President Vladimir Putin at a restricted attendance meeting of the CSTO Collective Security Council

President of Russia Vladimir Putin:

President Tokayev, friends.

Like the other participants in this meeting, I would like to first thank the President of Kazakhstan and our Kazakhstani friends for preparing this meeting and for the active work of Kazakhstan’s presidency throughout this year, supported by the teams from all the member states.

As my colleagues rightly noted, cooperation between our states within the Collective Security Treaty Organisation is indeed of high significance. It is an alliance built on the principles of friendship, neighbourliness and respect for each other’s interests.

The CSTOis a military and political organisation. Some of our colleagues have asked me to report extensively on the latest developments in the zone of conflict in Ukraine, the zone of the special military operation, in view of the recent developments. Certainly, recognising the importance of the ongoing events, I will gladly provide an update on the situation today, as I believe it is my duty to inform you about the latest events.

As you know, earlier this month, Western officials announced their decision to authorise the Ukrainian armed forces to launch strikes at Russian territory using long-range high-precision weapons produced in the West.We have repeatedly pointed out that this decision would mean direct involvement of Western countries in the armed conflict, as it is simply impossible to deploy this type of weapons without directly involving the military personnel and the military specialists from the respective NATO countries. As you know, despite our warnings about the dangers of escalating this conflict, strikes were delivered at targets in the Bryansk and Kursk regions with American ATACMS missiles and the British Storm Shadow missiles. I spoke about the consequences of these attacks and the damage we sustained, in my statement on November 21.

For your information – some of our colleagues asked me to provide this information as well – the Russian Iskander missile system and its modifications represent the Russian analogue of all three ATACMS missile modifications. The warhead weight in TNT equivalent is about the same, but Iskander has a longer range. The new US-made PrSM missile is not superior to its Russian counterparts in any specification.

The Storm Shadow air-launched missile, the French SCALP, and the German Taurus have a warhead weighing between 450 and 480 kilogrammes in TNT equivalent and a range of 500 to 650 kilometres. The German Taurus missile has a 650- kilometre range.

The Kh-101 air-launched missile is the Russian analogue of these systems which has a comparable in terms of power warhead, but significantly exceeds each of the European-made systems in terms of range. The new US-made PrSM missiles, as I mentioned earlier, as well as the JASSM, are inferior to their Russian counterparts in terms of technical specifications.

Without a doubt, we are aware of the number of the relevant weapons systems that are in service of our potential adversaries. We know how many of them are kept in storage facilities. We know their exact location, how many weapons have been supplied to Ukraine, and how many more are planned to be supplied.

As far as the production of relevant missile systems and relevant equipment is concerned, Russia has 10 times more of them than the combined output of all NATO countries. Next year, we will increase the production by another 25 to 30 percent.

We can see that the Kiev regime ringleaders are begging their masters for military equipment of a different kind. Let no one forget about the Kalibr, Kinzhal and Zirkon hypersonic missile systems, which are unmatched around the world in terms of their technical specifications. Their production is also being ramped up and is going at full speed.

More such products may show up shortly on our menu of the products of this class, if I may put it that way. As they say, customer satisfaction is guaranteed.

By the way, we used these particular weapon systems over the last two days in response to the continued strikes by ATACMS missiles targeting the territory of Russia.We used a total of 100 systems, 100 different-class missiles which I just mentioned, and 466 strike drones.

Last night, we conducted a comprehensive strike utilising 90 missiles of these classes and 100 drones, successfully hitting 17 targets. These included military installations, defence industry sites, and their support infrastructure. I want to emphasise once again that these strikes were carried out in response to the continued attacks on Russian territory using American ATACMS missiles. As I have repeatedly stated, such actions will always elicit a response.

Finally, the latest hypersonic strike system, Oreshnik, in its non-nuclear configuration. Wehadto test it under combat conditions, as I just said – had to, as a response to the Western weapon strikes on the Bryansk and Kursk regions involving ATACMS and Storm Shadow missiles.

The Oreshnik system, of course, has no equivalents in the world, and I doubt we will see anything comparable in the foreseeable future. Allow me to briefly explain its operation, as requested.

The system deploys dozens of homing warheads that strike the target at a velocity of Mach 10, equivalent to approximately three kilometres per second. The temperature of the impact elements reaches 4,000 degrees Celsius – nearing the surface temperature of the sun, which is around 5,500–6,000 degrees. Consequently, everything within the explosion’s epicentre is reduced to fractions, elementary particles, essentially turning to dust. The missile is capable of destroying even heavily fortified structures and those located at significant depths.

Military and technical experts note that when used in a concentrated, massive strike – using several Oreshnik missiles simultaneously – the resulting impact is comparable in power to that of a nuclear weapon. However, the Oreshnik is not classified as a weapon of mass destruction. This distinction is due to two key factors: first, as confirmed in the November 21 test, the system demonstrates exceptional precision; second, and most importantly, it operates without a nuclear warhead, meaning no radioactive contamination follows its use.

As of today, we have several ready-to-deploy systems of this type. Naturally, as previously stated, we will continue to respond to ongoing strikes on Russian territory carried out with Western-made long-range missiles. This may include further testing of the Oreshnik system in combat conditions, as was successfully demonstrated on November 21.

The Ministry of Defence and the General Staff of the Russian Army are currently identifying targets for strikes within Ukraine. These may include military installations, defence industry sites, or decision-making centres in Kiev. All the more so that the Kiev regime has repeatedly attempted attacks on critical infrastructure in Russia, including in St Petersburg and Moscow, with such attempts ongoing.

The serial production of the Oreshnik system has commenced. However, the choice of weaponry will ultimately depend on the nature of the designated targets and the level of threats posed to the Russian Federation.

Source: The Russian Kremlin

 


CSTO Summit: Press statements by President of Russia and President of Kazakhstan

Astana, 28 November 2024

President of Kazakhstan Kassym-Jomart Tokayev:

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen,

First of all, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to President of Russia Vladimir Putin for accepting my invitation to make a state visit to Kazakhstan.Your state visit has become a landmark event marking a major stage in the development of Russian-Kazakhstani relations.

Russia is a strategic partner and a reliable ally of Kazakhstan. We are united by the unbreakable bonds of friendship, centuries of neighbourly ties and a common history. Relying on these enduring values, our states have developed substantive relations that look to the future. Cooperation between Kazakhstan and Russia has reached an unprecedented level in nearly all main spheres of interaction. Our political dialogue is developing consistently, our trade and economic cooperation is growing stronger, and our cultural and humanitarian ties are becoming more active.

The meetings and talks held in the restricted and expanded formats today were business-like, outspoken and truly productive. We discussed a broad range of current topics on the bilateral agenda, mapped out prospective spheres of our strategic partnership, and concluded that our bilateral relations are developing dynamically and progressively despite the complicated geopolitical situation.

Our talks focused on economic matters, with priority attention given to strengthening cooperation in strategic sectors and increasing mutual trade.

With this aim in view, we have adopted a package of intergovernmental documents, including the Comprehensive Programme of Economic Cooperation for 2021−2025 and the Joint Action Plan for 2024−2026.

We have signed a programme of interregional and cross-border cooperation during the Russia-Kazakhstan Interregional Cooperation Forum.

Russia is one of the largest partners for Kazakhstan and one of the top three investors in our economy. For its part, Kazakhstan has become one of Russia’s top five trade partners, for the first time in the history of our bilateral relations, which is clear evidence of stable and large potential of our cooperation. I am convinced that by maintaining positive dynamics we will be able to increase our mutual trade to more than $30 billion in the next few years.

The volume of Russian direct investment in Kazakhstan’s economy has surpassed $24 billion, with over $4.5 billion invested in just the past two years. Cumulative investment from Kazakhstan in the Russian economy has reached an impressive $8.5 billion.

Moreover, approximately 24,000 companies with Russian participation are operating in Kazakhstan, accounting for nearly half of all foreign capital enterprises within the country.

These figures underscore the substantial level of confidence and mutual interest in further bolstering our strategic partnership.

In the industrial sector, we have made notable advancements, having initiated 93 collaborative projects valued at over $18 billion. An additional 49 projects, with a combined investment nearing $30 billion, are currently in progress.

Particular attention should be paid to the large-scale projects focused on connecting various regions in Kazakhstan to gas supply, the enhancement of Russian energy resource transit volumes towards the south and east, and the construction and modernisation of significant energy facilities within Kazakhstan. Priority is placed on harnessing the transit potential through the expansion of essential transport corridors.

We also deliberated on the prospects for project implementation, including the construction of a motorway to Mongolia and active engagement with the Trans-Afghan transport corridor.

I am confident that the comprehensive execution of all these initiatives along the North-South axis aligns perfectly with the core interests of the friendly peoples of our countries.

The Russia-Kazakhstan Interregional Cooperation Forum occupies a special place on our economic agenda. Today, President Putin and I participated in the 20thanniversary forum in Bashkortostan’s capital via videoconference. I am assured that the outcomes of the Ufa Forum will provide additional momentum to our interregional engagements across a broad spectrum of areas. In this regard, I would like to highlight the decision to establish a consulate general of the Russian Federation in the city of Aktau, Mangistau Region, in the near future.

We place great emphasis on collaboration in scientific, cultural, and humanitarian fields. Yesterday, a Kazakh-Russian scientific forum for historians was convened in Astana. Prior to this, a meeting of volunteer movement leaders from both nations took place in Almaty, and tomorrow, a session of the joint expert council will be convened.

These events make a significant contribution to strengthening cooperation between our countries. We strongly advocate for comprehensive system-wide support for large-scale cultural and humanitarian initiatives at the state level. In this context, I have decided to open the Alley of Eternal Kazakhstani-Russian Friendship in Astana in the spring of 2025. Residents of the capital and visitors will be able to relax in a comfortable setting there.

I would like to take this opportunity to thank the Russian side for its active participation in the 5th World Nomad Games, held in early September in Astana. The national team of the Russian Federation, comprising about 180 members, achieved impressive results in various sports.

In 2026, Kazakhstan will host the 3rd Games of the Future. This unique tournament, initiated by Russia, combines traditional sports with cyber-sport. I would also like to mention the Days of Astana Culture in Moscow, held this past August, which received widespread acclaim among the Moscow and international audiences.

The unveiling of a bust of the great Kazakhstani poet and thinker Abai Kunanbaiuly in Kazan became a landmark event. Additionally, audiences enjoyed the opera Abai, a classic Kazakhstani national masterpiece, performed at the Bolshoi Theatre in Moscow. In the coming years, we plan to organise large-scale Kazakhstani exhibitions at the Tretyakov Gallery and the Hermitage.

All of this reaffirms the commitment of our fraternal nations to strengthen intercultural ties through new collaborative formats.

We are consistently expanding cooperation in the education sector, with over 60,000 Kazakhstani students studying at Russian universities. This highlights the popularity of the Russian education system and the mutual interest of both countries in exchanging knowledge and experience.

In line with previous agreements, seven branches of leading Russian technical education institutions have opened in Kazakhstan. A branch of Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO) will soon open in Astana. Today, a branch of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University has opened in Omsk, becoming the first branch of a Kazakhstani university in Russia.

At the same time, we are discussing the prospects for establishing Kazakhstani schools in Russia’s border regions, as well as Russian-financed schools in Kazakhstan’s Jambyl, Kyzylorda and Turkestan regions. All of this will enhance educational ties and provide additional opportunities for the younger generations in both countries.

The Russian language is an important factor that unites our people. I want to stress that one-third of all school students in Kazakhstan receive an education in Russian. We in Kazakhstan attach great importance to this matter, and it is for this reason that I have proposed to establish the International Organisation for the Russian Language.

Supporting compatriots living in Kazakhstan and Russia was another important topic during the talks. The signing of a memorandum on cooperation between the Otandastar Foundation and Rossotrudnichestvo would be particularly significant in this regard, with discussions already taking place on this matter. Agreements of this kind play a special role in strengthening mutual understanding between our nations and receive a positive response from the public.

During our meeting today, President Putin and I discussed in detail the dynamics of interaction between our countries in a multilateral format and held a constructive exchange of views on the most pressing regional and global political issues.

I am pleased to report our full mutual understanding regarding cooperation within regional associations, such as the CIS, the Eurasian Economic Union, SCO, CSTO, the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia, and others. Today, there is practically no area in which our countries do not interact.

What is especially important is that there are no disputed issues between Kazakhstan and Russia; we consistently find balanced solutions that take into account the interests of both states to the greatest extent possible. Taking this opportunity, I want to express my gratitude to the President of Russia for his unwavering personal attention to strengthening friendly relations between our nations.

There is much joint work ahead; we have ambitions plans for 2025 and beyond. Numerous joint projects are set to be implemented, which, I am sure, will bring tangible benefits to both individuals and businesses in our countries.

The Agreement on the Kazakhstani-Russian State Border, a fundamental interstate instrument, will be 20 years old next January. In 2025, we also plan to celebrate two great anniversaries: the 80thanniversary of the Great Victory and the 70thanniversary of the Baikonur Cosmodrome. We have arranged to hold festive events to mark these significant dates in our countries. As you can see, the bilateral agenda is regularly enhanced with specific initiatives and new interesting projects.

In conclusion, I want to reiterate that Kazakhstan and Russia invariably follow the path of strengthening their strategic partnership, while laying the foundation for the progress and wellbeing of our nations, particularly the younger generations. I am confident that the positive results of today’s events will enable us to elevate our allied relations to a qualitatively new level.

Thank you.

 

President of Russia Vladimir Putin:

Friends, Mr President,

First of all, I would like to express my gratitude for the invitation. As per your suggestion, this visit has the status of state visit, but I would like to note that the protocol and, in this instance, the solemn nature of the welcome accorded to our delegation has not prevented us from working fruitfully, which is traditional for our regular meetings.

We held an in-depth discussion on a broad range of issues of bilateral cooperation in the political, economic and humanitarian spheres. We exchanged views on the most topical regional and international issues. The Joint Statement we have just signed sets out new ambitious tasks for the further strengthening of the strategic partnership between our countries. Their fulfilment will be promoted by the numerous intergovernmental and interdepartmental documents we have signed in many spheres of our cooperation, from energy and transport to healthcare and justice.

Both sides noted that our bilateral trade closely approached $30 billion last year, as we pointed out several times today. According to our statistics, the precise figure is $28.4 billion, and between January and September of this year our trade exceeded $20 billion. It is important that the structure of our mutual trade is being diversified, with non-raw-materials high added-value products taking an increasingly large share. The share of national currencies in mutual settlements has almost reached 90 percent, which helps us protect commercial transactions between our countries from the negative influence of the external situation, including on the political stage.

Russia is one of the largest investors in Kazakhstan. Aggregate Russian investment equals $13 billion, as we have pointed out. There are over 23,000 businesses with Russian capital and over 60 major joint projects are being implemented in the republic in all the key sectors of Kazakhstan’s economy.

We are consistently developing bilateral cooperation in energy. Thanks to the Caspian Pipeline Consortium, the bulk of Kazakhstani oil, exported to external markets, passes through Russian territory and the Russian port infrastructure in the Black Sea. In turn, Russian oil transits through Kazakhstan and onwards to China. Our country also imports Kazakhstani coal, and there are reciprocal supplies of electric energy.

Construction of three new thermal power plants in Kazakhstan is currently on the agenda. Gazprom provides uninterrupted supplies of gas to Kazakhstani consumers and processes fuel from the Karachaganak Field at the Orenburg Gas Chemical Complex. Since last year, Russian gas has been transiting through Kazakhstan to Uzbekistan, and we plan to increase these deliveries.

Russia and Kazakhstan are expanding cooperation in the peaceful use of nuclear energy. There are six joint uranium production and enrichment facilities. Russian and Kazakhstani companies are involved in a number of major successful projects in machine engineering, the petroleum industry, and mineral fertiliser production. Rostselmash produces modern grain harvesters, tractors and components for agricultural equipment. During the talks, we discussed cooperation in transport and logistics. Both parties are interested in expanding air and railway freight traffic between the two countries. Good prospects are opening up given the development of the North-South international corridor from Russia to India whose eastern section crosses Kazakhstan.

It is important that we have managed to preserve and expand close cooperation with our Kazakhstani friends in space research. We continue to use the Baikonur Cosmodrome and are making progress with the Baiterek project, which aims to build a new space rocket complex for Soyuz-5 carrier rocket launches. We expect that the first launch from Baiterek will take place next year as planned.

While we are visiting Astana, the 20thRussia-Kazakhstan Forum of Regions is taking place in Ufa. I will not go into further details here as we have just spoken to our colleagues working in Ufa, and the media representatives have all the information, of course.

Considerable attention was paid at the talks to humanitarian interaction and the strengthening of cooperation in culture, sport, between youth organisations and, of course, in education. About 60,000 students from Kazakhstan are studying at Russian universities. The branches of leading Russian universities, including Moscow State University, have been working successfully in Kazakhstan for a long time. Today, we signed an intergovernmental agreement on opening a branch of Chelyabinsk State University in Kostanay. A branch of MGIMO University of the Russian Foreign Ministry will start working in Astana soon. MGIMO University celebrated its 80th anniversary this year, and a large international conference timed for this event was held in Astana in September. One of the speakers was President of Kazakhstan Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, who is a graduate of that university.

We highly appreciate that the Russian language is widely and freely used in Kazakhstan, with support from the national leadership. We are grateful to the President of Kazakhstan for his initiative to establish an international organisation for the Russian language. I am confident that this organisation will support and promote Russian as a means of interstate and interethnic communication.

Russia supports the construction of new Russian language schools and efforts to raise the standards of education in the Russian language in Kazakhstan. There are plans to open three such schools in the republic soon.

We discussed key international issues, reaffirming that the positions of Russia and Kazakhstan are close on the majority of them. Our countries coordinate their stances at the UN and other multilateral venues. This year, Russia holds the CIS and BRICS chairmanships, while Kazakhstan chairs the CSTO and the SCO. As you know, it was decided at the BRICS summit that a new category of partner countries would be established. A list of candidates for this status has been coordinated, and an invitation to join BRICS in this status has been issued to Kazakhstan.

Of course, we would like to see Mr Tokayev at a meeting of the Supreme Eurasian Economic Council and the traditional informal meeting of the CIS leaders, which are to be held in St Petersburg on December 24−25.

In 2025, our nations will celebrate the 80th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War, our common Victory. It is notable that people in Russia and Kazakhstan remember and revere the heroism of our fathers and grandfathers who fought against Nazism side by side. We will do everything in our power so that the rising generations do not forget the price we paid for peace and freedom. It was with great pleasure that we invited the President of Kazakhstan to take part, together with other foreign leaders, in the celebrations of this anniversary in Moscow on May 9.

In conclusion, I would like to point out that we are certainly satisfied with the results of our talks. I am confident that this visit and the talks we held will help the further development of multifaceted cooperation between Russia and Kazakhstan and our relations to the benefit of our nations.

Thank you.

Source: The Russian Kremlin

 


CSTO Summit: Answers by Russian President Vladimir Putin to media questions

Astana, 28 November 2024

Vladimir Putin answered media questions following his state visit to Kazakhstan and the CSTO summit.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Good evening. What is your question?

Question: Good evening, Mr President.

Olga Knyazeva, Channel One.

Your state visit to Kazakhstan is drawing to an end. You were welcomed everywhere at the top level. What is your take on the cooperation prospects?

Vladimir Putin: Alright. Kazakhstan, as you heard me say it many times, is more than our ally and reliable partner. Importantly, Kazakhstan is making great strides under the leadership of President Tokayev, and demonstrating stable and robust growth. The sociopolitical situation in the country is stable, which is crucial for planning work in the economic sphere and investing.

We have billions invested in the economy of Kazakhstan. I mentioned earlier that mutual trade amounts to nearly 30 billion and keeps growing. Our traditional areas of cooperation include space exploration, energy, and, now, advanced technologies. Energy projects may see expanded cooperation in nuclear energy, since we are already working on it as a team. Kazakhstan is the world’s largest producer of uranium, and we have established our presence at uranium deposits in Kazakhstan. We have good prospects in the manufacturing sector, especially in the cooperation area.

Payments were and still are a problem, but we now have over 80 percent of payments made in national currencies, which, of course, makes our work in the financial sphere easier.

On top of everything else, we also maintain humanitarian ties, and enjoy very good people-to-people contacts. Kazakhstan is practically a Russian-speaking country, which you have probably had a chance to see for yourself. Unfortunately, there are always many people out there with their own opinions on how things should be done, and who criticise the ongoing processes in Russian and Kazakhstani societies. This position and this criticism are not always consistent with the national interests, including the interests of the Russian state. It is not always good for us. I believe we should do our best to strengthen our ties. By no means should we take steps that may destroy our relations.

For example, we enjoy traditional ties in the energy sector. Still, we may have major projects coming up in the sphere of transporting our energy to third countries across the territory of Kazakhstan. Here, we have a traditional situation where one region of Kazakhstan may experience natural gas shortages, while other regions may have excess supplies of it. Therefore, we find it makes more economic sense to join efforts and to supply something to Kazakhstan, to receive something from Kazakhstan, given the fairly large territories of Kazakhstan and Russia, than to develop it within our own borders. That makes us natural partners and allies.

My assessment is that we have very promising prospects. Yesterday, President Tokayev and I spend the entire evening discussing these prospects informally over dinner. To reiterate, I assess them as highly positive.

Question: Good afternoon. Alexei Golovko, Rossiya television channel.

You have mentioned uranium earlier. Still, Kazakhstan held a referendum this October, and the overwhelming majority of the voters were in favour of building a nuclear power plant. As far as we know, they have not decided on the contractor yet. Did you discuss this particular issue with Mr Tokayev? Perhaps, you have highlighted the advantages Rosatom has to offer? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, of course. We paid quite a lot of attention to it during the talks yesterday, both during the restricted-format and the expanded-format talks. If Kazakhstan decides to go ahead with its nuclear power projects, then, of course, as any customer, it can choose the most suitable technological solution and financial arrangements.

I think it is no coincidence that the Russian company Rosatom is the world’s largest company of its kind, including in terms of the number of nuclear power plants it is building around the world. Why is that? It is because, as I have said many times, we are not just building power plants. As a rule, we create an industry in a country that initiates this type of activity. We train personnel, supply the necessary materials, take away spent fuel and so on. We help advance science in the nuclear sphere.

Of course, the President of Kazakhstan and our Kazakhstani colleagues and friends are familiar with this type of activity. They are not starting from scratch. To reiterate, we even have enterprises – they have uranium mining enterprises – which are operating in this area. They are well aware of what they want and what they are willing to pay for it, and what they want to get. That is why we are having a very professional dialogue. Should our partners, in this case, Kazakhstan, need or prefer to use some solutions, including technological solutions from third countries, and involve their specialists into the collaborative effort, this is also possible, and Rosatom has experiences of cooperating with foreign partners. We discussed this yesterday as well.

The customer always has the final say. But I think our cooperation with Kazakhstan in this area is quite possible. It would be really strange for Kazakhstan, which has the world’s largest uranium deposits, not to use uranium, but only mine and export it. The leadership of Kazakhstan is operating on this premise

In addition to everything else, it is probably no coincidence that Rosatom is currently operating in 20 countries, I think, or building 20 facilities abroad. It owns advanced technologies and the world’s best safety standards, which fact is confirmed by the International Atomic Energy Organisation, the IAEA.

Please go ahead.

Question: Nikita Korzun, NTV.

Mr President, how do you assess the current state of the CSTO, following today’s summit? Is the organisation dead or alive? And what do you think of Armenia’s “skipping” it?

Vladimir Putin: As for the CSTO as an organisation, it is definitely not only alive, but alive and progressing, with all countries that take an active part in its work willing to maintain these contacts now and in the future.

The global situation is complicated, and not only due to the developments unfolding at the Ukraine theatre. Are things just fine in Asia? Do developments on the Commonwealth border with Afghanistan give us a chance to relax and ignore anything?

Afghanistan is undergoing challenging processes. We hope that we will be able to build up relations with Afghanistan and we cannot fail to notice that the situation is becoming more stable there. We maintain relations with the current leadership of Afghanistan, and they will keep advancing. Recently, Russian Security Council Secretary Sergei Shoigu visited Afghanistan and reported to me on the outcomes. However, the situation is still difficult and requires special care and attention from us, including through the CSTO.

The CSTO is engaged not only in military matters but also in fighting organised crime, drug trafficking, and other issues. This means the CSTO has much to attend to, and the member countries have a stake in it. This is the first point.

And now regarding Armenia. Each country is entitled to choose what and how it wants to do with regard to ensuring its security. I think today’s situation between Armenia and the CSTO is most likely caused by internal political processes in Armenia. It is also linked with the aftermath of the Karabakh crisis, without doubt. But I would like to stress that the CSTO has nothing to do with it, you see? I repeatedly said about that. Everything that was happening in this respect had nothing to do with the CSTO because Armenia did not suffer from any external aggression.

The CSTO is designed to protect its member countries from external aggression. The Karabakh case is very special since Armenia had not recognised Karabakh’s independence and definitely had not included it into its sovereign territory. Thus from the legal point of view, the events in Nagorny Karabakh were not directly connected with Armenia. Therefore, claims that the CSTO should have fought on the territory of the enclave sound somewhat odd, don’t they? Of course, they do.

Nevertheless, it is a very sensitive issue. It is always easy to judge from the outside. Things are always much more complicated inside. I repeat: I think that any country, a member of the organisation, should independently identify its national interests. And we will treat it with respect. That’s my first point. And secondly, Armenia has not announced it has withdrawn. At least not yet. It has said that it is taking a pause, but at the same time it supports all the documents that are endorsed during our today’s meeting, during today’s session of negotiations, and draws our attention exactly to that. If this is true, it means that there is a possibility that Armenia will reinstall its full-fledged format within this organisation. We will see.

I reiterate: the final decision will be made by the country – member of the organisation.

Question: Alyona Nefyodova, Izvestia newspaper.

Mr President, during a recent narrow-format meeting, you mentioned that Moscow has responded to the ongoing usage of US missiles for attacks on Russian territory.

Vladimir Putin: Indeed, twice following the Oreshnik response. Subsequently, ATACMS were employed twice more in the Kursk Region. Although the damage is minimal, the mere fact of their usage, of course, cannot be overlooked, particularly as there has been some damage inflicted.

Question: Simultaneously, you underlined that Moscow is prepared to counter further escalation from the West.

Vladimir Putin: Precisely, and I not only emphasised this, but also stated that we took action last night.

Question: In light of this, my question pertains to the measures Russia is ready to implement. In your view, are there ongoing risks associated with the Western missiles being used against Russian territory?

Vladimir Putin: Well, that is a question for the West, whether they intend to persist with these actions. Are there risks involved in strikes on Russian territory? Undoubtedly, as I have reiterated on numerous occasions. These actions denote the direct involvement of Western nations in an armed conflict. How could it be perceived otherwise? If their experts are orchestrating flight plans, relaying intelligence to themselves, and coordinating strikes on targets within the Russian Federation, then of course, such risks exist.

I indicated that they received a response today. Our Armed Forces have been executing retaliatory strikes over the past couple of days. Today, there was a comprehensive operation: 90 missiles were deployed alongside 100 unmanned strike vehicles. Seventeen targets within Ukraine were struck, encompassing military, military-industrial, and auxiliary facilities that support the armed forces and industrial defence enterprises.

I wish to reiterate once more: we will certainly respond to such acts of aggression against the Russian Federation. The timing, methods, and weapons employed will be determined by the General Staff of the Ministry of Defence, as each target necessitates a specific approach and appropriate weaponry.

For instance, it would be futile to target a minor objective with a hypersonic missile, akin to “using a sledgehammer to crack a nut.” However, we will utilise our entire arsenal against significant targets. As I have previously mentioned, we do not rule out the combat employment of Oreshnik on military-industrial facilities or command centres, including those in Kiev. We remain cognisant that the Kiev authorities continue their attempts to target our critical assets, including those in St. Petersburg and Moscow.

Question: Good afternoon. Pavel Zarubin, Rossiya TV channel.

You have already provided extensive information about Oreshnik today, yet Western media assert that the warhead of the Oreshnik lacked explosives. If this is accurate, what implications does it have?

Could you share any additional details regarding Oreshnik? Furthermore, how many such classified developments do we generally possess, as you mentioned, “on the menu that will satisfy the client?” Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: You see, when I mentioned that we are conducting test launches, it indicates that this endeavour is focused, among other objectives, on enhancing these weapons. That is indeed the case.

Concerning strike capabilities, I have already addressed this. If we deploy multiple such systems simultaneously in a single strike – say, two, three, or four systems – it would be comparable in force to the use of nuclear weapons, albeit they are not nuclear. This is because they are: a) high-precision; b) not equipped with a nuclear explosive device, thus they do not cause environmental contamination. Yet, the force would be comparable.

Regarding the presence of explosives, I reiterate: this is why testing is conducted, to determine what requires further development. There is no great secret here; experts will readily grasp what I am referring to. When I speak of improvement, it primarily concerns the balance between range and warhead.

The greater the range, the smaller the warhead; conversely, the shorter the range, the more potent the warhead. The system is capable of lifting a greater payload in this scenario, that’s the crux of it. For targets at varying distances, different missile types are required, or at least, distinct configurations of these missiles, specifically the warhead equipment. This is an area requiring attention. It is not a straightforward task, and it will likely necessitate additional research and development work, etc.

As for the missile we utilised, the appropriate elements were employed as the impact components, and they serve as damage agents as well. As I have mentioned, these are quite potent elements that are heated to a temperature of 4,000 degrees. If I am not mistaken, (you can check online), the surface of the Sun is approximately 5,600–6,000 degrees, making it comparable to solar surface temperatures.

A kinetic impact is a formidable force, akin to a meteorite impact. History has shown us the effects and consequences of meteorite impacts. They have been sufficient to create entire lakes, have they not? Consider the Tunguska event and its outcomes.

Similarly here, the damage is substantial: everything at the centre is reduced to ash, breaking down into its elemental components, and objects located at a depth of three or four, possibly even more, floors below are affected. These are fortified structures, not merely floors. The impact force is immense. Of course, more can be added to amplify the effect. The key point is that the functional sample has been created, it functions as intended by its designers. It is a high-precision and high-power weapon.

Question: Are there other similar developments underway?

Vladimir Putin: I won’t disclose everything to you.

We only revealed information about Oreshnik after it underwent testing. We waited until this test was completed and, to be candid, until we observed the outcome. Only then did we make an announcement. This is a situation where discretion is warranted.

Yes, please.

Question: Veronika Romanenkova, TASS news agency.

Western media outlets report that some US and European politicians and officials are already suggesting giving nuclear weapons back to Kiev. How real is this scenario, in your opinion? Or is it some sort of escalation and fear-mongering? Yet if this happens, if nuclear weapons are given to the Kiev regime, how will Russia respond? Could preventive measures be taken? Does Ukraine’s non-nuclear status remain a precondition for settling the conflict?

Vladimir Putin: Being a sane person, what do you think we are going to do if the country we are fighting with becomes a nuclear power? In this case we will use all – and I want to stress it – all weapons Russia has, all of them. We will not let this happen. This is the first point.

Secondly, such statements can only be made by irresponsible individuals who are not accountable for anything and do not feel any burden of responsiblity for the destiny of their countries and the entire world.

And thirdly, if someone transfers something officially, that will constitute a violation of all assumed commitments regarding non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.

And we will not let this happen in Ukraine itself, we will be watching every step being taken there. It used to be a very high-tech and industrially developed republic of the Soviet Union. However, everything or nearly everything Soviet Ukraine could take pride in has been lost. Thus it will be next to impossible to do it from scratch. What could be done is something dirty, a dirty bomb by scrambling up nuclear power plants’ waste. But even in this case the response will be absolutely adequate to the threats to the Russian Federation.

Question: Andrei Kolesnikov, Kommersant newspaper.

Mr President, when you spoke about possible strikes on decision-making centres, you did not specify whether you meant military or political centres. That’s my first question.

And the second is, do you, as Commander-in-Chief, think those strikes will be made possible by the Oreshnik system since nothing else will reach the targets?

Vladimir Putin: You see, there was a joke during the Soviet times about weather forecasts: “Anything is possible throughout the day today.”

Question: Good afternoon, Mr President.

Alexander Yunashev, Life.

The dollar and the euro have been breaking all records on the stock exchange. They have just rolled back a little, but prices are growing nonetheless, and the ruble has even weakened against the tenge by 80 kopecks overnight. The population, at least a high proportion of the population, is panicking.

Can you tell us how high the real inflation is? What is the real average salary in Russia, not the nominal one? When are we going to curb inflation, if at all?

Vladimir Putin: You want some hype, don’t you?

Firstly, every figure aired by the Central Bank regarding inflation is real. They are not making stuff up. This is the first point.

Secondly, this can be easily verified. Real inflation is easily verified by independent centres, which assess the state of the Russian economy and its credit and finance. So, everything that the Central Bank says (what was the last one – 8.5?) is true. Certain experts believe that, with inflation at 8.5 percent, the key interest rate of 21 percent is too high, that it is overstated. However, you are saying that prices are rising, which means the issue of whether the key rate is overstated or not should take more consideration than that.

There are anti-inflationary tools that can be used without raising the key rate. Such tools do exist. I am referring to a range of the Central Bank’s policies for regulating the banking sector, such as reserve requirements that banks have to meet before they can issue loans. Furthermore, the Central Bank and Government make decisions to increase or decrease lending to the population, including mortgages, social loans, and so on. They have other tools as well. In any case, the final decision is to be made by experts at the Central Bank, in accordance with the applicable laws. We will see this in the near future.

As for the fluctuations in the ruble exchange rate, they are not solely caused by inflation. The ruble’s rate is also influenced by other factors such as tax periods and oil prices. There are many seasonal factors. Therefore, in general, I believe the situation is well in hand, and there is no reason whatsoever to panic, as you said. True, our country and its neighbours are dealing with complicated processes, but they are under scrutiny.

Next, please.

Question: Good evening, Mr President.

Yekaterina Lazareva, Ura.ru news agency.

You had a telephone conversation with German Chancellor Olaf Scholz not long ago. You have been out of contact for almost two years now. Did it surprise you that Chancellor Scholz was the first Western leader to make contact with you? What are your impressions of this dialogue? Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Strange as it may seem, but we stay in communication with many countries with which we have very strained relations. Indeed, I did not have direct contacts with the leaders of these countries. But I am aware that some of them are also willing to resume contacts with us, and to discuss the ongoing developments in Ukraine bilaterally and in the pan-European context.

Indeed, the Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, Mr Scholz, was the first to break the silence. There was nothing surprising for me here. We have been receiving signals about the Chancellor willing to talk on the phone for quite some time now. As you may be aware, we remain open to such contacts. We, including me, have never turned down such contacts and will never turn them down in the future. If anyone is willing to talk, they are welcome to do so. We are open to contacts.

The conversation with the Chancellor lasted quite a long time, a whole hour, and, of course, focused on the events in Ukraine. There was nothing unusual about it, I think, either for him, or for me. He laid out his position, I laid out mine, and each of us has remained of the same mind on this matter.

A few questions were related to bilateral relations. Well, more in passing, perhaps. Generally speaking, I think a dialogue is possible in the future.

Question: Olga Matveyeva, Mayak radio station, Vesti.FM. A large family from Naberezhnye Chelny is willing to name their child after the Oreshnik missilevsystem. The head of the family, Vladimir Sukhov, said his wife was four months pregnant. They are expecting a baby girl and want to name her Oreshnitsa.

Have you heard about it? If they go ahead and name her that, would you be willing to meet with them?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: You know, this is a family matter. Let them run it by their grandmothers and grandfathers. It will probably make more sense than asking me. I am doing my own things. They have such a big event coming their way. I wish the future mom and the whole family all the best.

With regard to choosing a name for the baby, this is a family matter, and I will not even comment on it. I wish them all the best, happiness and good health.

Question: Good afternoon, Konstantin Kokoveshnikov, Zvezda TV channel.

Recently, in many of Russia’s neighbouring countries, elections at various levels have either already taken place or are scheduled to occur in the near future. We can recall the aforementioned Georgia, as well as Abkhazia, Romania, and Moldova. Concurrently, the electoral process in many of these nations is frequently accompanied by mass protests. Politicians advocating closer ties with the West often accuse their opponents of seeking to deviate from the chosen democratic path, abandoning democratic values, and allege Russian interference in these elections.

From your perspective, do you perceive indications, conversely, of Western interference in the electoral processes of such countries? Do you foresee the threat of new “orange revolutions?” Moreover, how do you personally interpret the sentiments of an apparently substantial segment of the electorate in these countries, who seem inclined to restore severed relations with Russia?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: First and foremost, I want to assure you, and you can trust me that this is the truth, or very close to the truth. Despite the numerous interactions with countries of the former Soviet Union, including, for instance, Georgia, where there is likely mutual influence from Russia to Georgia and vice versa, at the official level, we do not meddle in domestic political processes. We do not intervene at all; we do not engage with it, we simply refrain from involvement.

Regarding Western interference, I cannot make the same statement about our Western “colleagues,” if you will. Why? Because if we examine the number of participants from various non-governmental organisations funded by foreign governments, as well as the number of individuals who attend protest rallies – considering their family members, friends, and so forth – we obtain a very realistic depiction of the crowds on the street and the number of individuals receiving funds from foreign governments for political activities within these countries. Just look at it objectively – this is semi-open information – and everything becomes immediately clear. He who pays the piper calls the tune, and indeed, they play it in the squares. Hence, there is interference.

When the events in Georgia unfolded, I must admit, I was taken aback watching and observing all this. I am surprised. We have no relations with them, with the present leadership of Georgia, none whatsoever. Yet, I was quite astonished by their bravery and the character they displayed in defending their viewpoint. I won’t even make assessments of this viewpoint at the moment. To a large extent, similar processes are occurring in the other countries you mentioned. If you find this response satisfactory, there is nothing further to add.

Question: Hassan Nassr, RT Arabic.

Mr President, you said several times that you were ready for talks regarding Ukraine and named preconditions for such talks to start. After the Oreshnik missile system has showcased its might, will you change your preconditions?

Vladimir Putin: You might have failed to put it accurately. I didn’t lay out any preconditions. I did not say that the preconditions to launch talks are the following. I just spoke about our terms of peace settlement.

In my view, conditions for a lasting and stable peace are such, such and such, and they were presented in detail in my speech at the meeting with the Russian Foreign Ministry leadership in June of this year. I have nothing else to add.

We have enough weapons, although I understand, and we are all aware that the emergence of such a weapon as the Oreshnik missile system strengthens Russia’s military positions because this is obviously a non-nuclear weapon but the results of its impact and its power, as I have already mentioned, are equal to those of nuclear weapons, especially if several systems are used to deliver a strike. It matters, doesn’t it? This is true.

However, our stance regarding the Ukraine settlement does not change after the emergence of more and more new weapon systems. We are still ready for: a) a negotiation process, and b) of course, on the terms I presented in my address to the Foreign Minsitry leadership in Moscow last June. Nothing has changed.

Go ahead, please.

Question: Gleb Ivanov, Argumenty i Fakty newspaper.

We have been talking much lately about high-precision Western weapons and the Oreshnik system. But there is another kind of weapons that has been widely used during the special military operation – drones. Western media have written lately that their countries will give the Armed Forces of Ukraine new chips that will allow Ukrainian drones to bypass Russian electronic warfare (EW) systems. How serious is this threat? Are the reports true? And how will we respond to this?

And the second question. We know that Ukrainian drone operators have been designated as a separate service branch. Should we follow suit?

Vladimir Putin: As to some new chips and other equipment for operating drones, it is possible. Drones have been used by both parties very intensively. The Armed Forces of Ukraine are also using them intensively. We use more drones but the other party also has a lot of them. We were the first to start using fiber-optic ground-controlled drones, and later they also began doing it. Such drones are absolutely immune to EW. Therefore, new chips will appear, it is quite possible. I am sure we will give a prompt response. Information exchange is very rapid as is, unfortunately, reciprocal acquisition of it, followed by instantly using it. Those who respond quicker will win.

Our service personnel, our men have learnt to respond with a lightning speed, and on site at that. We have very many well-educated people joining the combat zone. To be honest, when I read or listen to incoming reports, I get surprised that very well-educated people with very good engineering training are working wonders in the combat area while risking their lives. Drones are currently one of the crucial factors for successful combat activities, though. Can they transfer new chips [to Ukraine]? They can.

I mentioned this during the CSTO restricted-format meeting today. Will this make a difference on the battlefield? No, it will not. The Russian army is advancing steadily across most of the line of contact, and I think it will continue to do so. We will work gradually to take more ground, as we are doing now, thanks to our courageous troops. I never tire of saying this, but this is the way things are. Your colleagues from the combat zone, war correspondents, speak about it very convincingly. This is how things are. No one is making anything up.

Question: With regard to a separate branch of the armed forces.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, I know they have done it there, but we are also thinking about it. Organising this work is a separate issue and an important one. I agree with you. The specific outcome depends on the way a particular type of activity is organised. People in the General Staff and the Defence Ministry are thinking about it as well. Our Defence Minister is well-versed in these matters, even though he is a trained economist. Still, he dealt with unmanned aerial vehicles when he served as First Deputy Prime Minister. So, he is in the loop, and is pondering ways to organise this work in conjunction with the professional military. This is a truly important matter, I agree.

Question: Good afternoon, Interfax Agency.

I have an energy-related question. During the state visit to Kazakhstan, did you discuss ramping up the volume of petroleum, particularly Kazakhstani petroleum that is pumped through Russia to Germany? If so, what volumes are we talking about? If you can say it out loud, of course.

My second question is about pumping petroleum, but this time Russian petroleum, through the territory of Kazakhstan to China.

These are my two questions.

Vladimir Putin: We discussed all of that. We also discussed increasing the volumes of Kazakhstani petroleum pumped through the CPC [Caspian Pipeline Consortium] to the port of Novorossiysk and further shipment of Kazakhstani petroleum to the international markets. However, this petroleum is not owned by Kazakhstan exclusively. Many foreign companies are involved in the production, so, one can say, it is indeed the territory of Kazakhstan, but this product is of international nature. This is my first point.

My second point is that we have repeatedly discussed the possibility of Rosneft selling its stake in the Schwedt refinery in Germany which will enable Kazakhstan to supply petroleum to this German refinery itself. You know, everything is possible.

The only thing that we find unacceptable is the use of unlawful methods against the Russian company Rosneft by the government of the Federal Republic, which are reminiscent of nationalisation, seizure of our property, banning us from management, and so on. But this is also a matter of negotiations, and Rosneft is prepared to hold these negotiations with the German regulators and their partners, or with any other partner for that matter, including partners from Kazakhstan.

We have discussed the possibility of creating new routes for pumping our products – petroleum and gas alike – to third countries, primarily the People’s Republic of China, through the territory of Kazakhstan among other optional routes. These are very lucrative, exciting, and promising routes and projects. Without a doubt, they will help stabilise the global economy, primarily, in the Asia-Pacific region, and we will thus gain an extra opportunity to engage in market operations.

Question: Yegor Piskunov, RT Channel.

You have mentioned Chancellor Scholz, and I have a question regarding another chancellor. Chancellor Merkel has recently released her memoirs, wherein she dedicates a considerable portion to your relationship and recounts an incident from 2007 when she travelled to Sochi to visit you and encountered your dog, Konni.

Vladimir Putin: She encountered the dog?

Question: Indeed, she did meet your dog, yes. Many of us remember that dog.

Vladimir Putin: “The police with the dog promised to come…” No. “The dog and the police promised to come.” Yes? Alright, apologies, I’m kidding.

Question: Many of us recall the dog. She was exceedingly amiable; numerous people even petted her, and she enjoyed roaming freely. Apparently, a similar situation occurred. In essence, it transpired that Angela Merkel has a fear of dogs, and she wrote that you supposedly exploited her fear intentionally. Did such an event happen? Is it accurate?

And, if I may, a philosophical tangent. What transpired overall, how did it occur that there was a period when the German Chancellor visited you, and you frequently conversed in German there? And now, we discuss the prospect of deploying the same Oreshniks in that direction.

Thank you very much.

Vladimir Putin: Firstly, concerning the matter of the dog. Indeed, such an incident did occur. Ms Merkel visited us, and my dog, Konni, appeared. In all frankness, I already told Ms Merkel that I was unaware of her fear of dogs. Had I known, I would never have allowed it. Quite the opposite, I aimed to foster a relaxed, congenial atmosphere. I operated under the assumption that in Europe, and particularly in Germany, as I am aware from nearly five years of residing there, pets are regarded positively. On the contrary, I thought it would be pleasant for her. I learned later of her fear of dogs. Such things happen. As far as I recall, she mentioned being bitten by a dog in her childhood. Well, these things happen, psychological trauma. Upon learning of this, I apologised to her. I said, “Angela, I am sorry, I was unaware of this.” She, with a tenacity deserving of a better cause, you see, included it in her book. Honestly, it is peculiar to me, unexpected.

You and I are conversing, and this will be in the media. I am addressing her once more and saying: “Angela, please accept my apologies. I did not wish to cause you any distress. Quite the reverse, I intended to create a positive atmosphere for our dialogue. I apologise. Should you ever visit again – although I acknowledge the unlikelihood of it today – I assure you, I would not repeat it under any circumstances.”

And if we turn to serious matters, concerning the development of our relations with Europe and the Western countries in general, you know, looking at it in retrospect, I think that, in fact, we have gone to great lengths. I was not involved in it, but the generation of previous leaders went as far as the dissolution of the Soviet Union, including, as it seems to me, in order to make Russia part of this so-called civilised West, believing that now, when the walls of ideological confrontation crumbled down, we will be part of the civilised world.

Nothing of the kind has happened. It turned out that in addition to all this, in addition to everything related to ideology, there are issues of a geopolitical nature, geopolitical interests, and they showed us immediately where our place was – somewhere there, in a corner, in a nook. But it wasn’t the end of it. They began supporting separatist forces, terrorist forces in the Caucasus, they began rocking Russia from within with what their might. We coped with it, we went through this all. We offered whatever we could to try and build relations [with Western countries]. I have already talked about it many times, now I don’t want to waste time on it and go over it again. That’s it. If no – then no. NATO’s expansion to the east: five waves, or six already. All our objections, all our concerns were simply ignored. They went stubbornly their own way. That’s the way it is. This is how our relations developed, including with Europe.

Yes, I know, some European leaders say to me: “We were against it.” I have already mentioned it, and I will repeat it again because this is important. “We were against Ukraine joining NATO. Well, you know we are against it, and we will vote against it”. To my question: “So why did you open the door to NATO for Ukraine in Bucharest in 2008?” The answer was simple: “Well, the Americans pressed us hard then.” Here is a nice how-d’ye-do! And what if they press harder tomorrow again? Will you agree on everything and finally sign the paper to the effect that Ukraine is a member of NATO?

That said, the US position did not change by that time. The United States told us: “Well, yes, we won’t admit Ukraine now.” Do you know why they did not want to admit it then? Because Ukraine was not ready, it had to go through certain stages of preparation for membership. “We won’t do it now.” And when it is prepared – they will admit it. And they will press hard on the Europeans again. And the Europeans will consent to it again. Look at what’s happening now – well, it’s happening in full view of the whole world.

I believe Europe has been debased big time. It ceased to exist as an independent centre, an independent political and sovereign centre of international politics. It will not think twice before dancing the polka to the tune played by the US administration, even if it hurts its own interests. Occasionally, I get the impression that high-ranking officials, in Germany or elsewhere in Europe, are on a mission from the US secret service. The problem is they do not have the best interests of their own, in this case, German, people, in mind. How can one even agree with everything that is going on there?

Energy prices in some US states are three to five times lower than in Europe, in Germany, in particular. Entire enterprises and industries are closing down in Germany and moving to the United States. The Americans are doing so purposefully. They are pragmatic people, and may be doing the right thing for themselves. But what about the Europeans? One cannot get away from picturing them asking just one question when they are told they would be hung by the neck tomorrow. Their only question would be, “Shall we bring our own rope, or you will provide us with one?” Do you see what I mean? That is all there is to it.

Volkswagen is closing, metallurgical plants are closing, chemical plants are closing, as are glass plants. People are being sacked by the hundreds or even thousands. And nothing happens. All we hear is dead silence except some unintelligible ruckus in the ongoing internal political process. How can one even talk to such partners? What is there to negotiate?

It is not our fault that our relations with Europe have declined to such a low level. This is also the result of the internal state of the European establishment and European politics.

Still I hope this will go away at some point, and we will restore our relations with individual European countries and, more broadly, with the EU. Russia and our European partners have a stake in this. Perhaps, they are interested in that even more than we are. I think this natural interest in expanding relations with Russia in the interest, pardon me the tautology, of their own countries and peoples will prevail. I hope so. We will see how things turn out eventually in real life.

Let us take the definitively concluding question this time.

Please go ahead.

Question: Good afternoon. RIA Novosti.

If I may, I would like to revisit the matter concerning the CSTO.

According to the Collective Security Treaty, should there be military aggression against any member state, the other members of the Organisation are obliged, upon request, to promptly extend necessary assistance.

Does Russia intend to seek such support from the CSTO in light of the long-range strikes by Western weaponry on its soil? Was this topic discussed or mentioned in any capacity today? Furthermore, are the CSTO members prepared to render such assistance?

Vladimir Putin: You know, regarding the provision that mandates any CSTO member country to assist another state subjected to aggression, no one harbours any doubts about this. Indeed, each nation stands ready to act in accordance with its obligations.

However, let us examine the situation pragmatically. Considering that American weapons, such as the ATACMS, are targeting Russian territory, what realistically can the other countries of this organisation do to assist the Russian Federation? I mean, it is not a realistic expectation. Yet, even under these circumstances, we are likely capable of offering them as much support as we possibly can. We possess adequate resources and a safety margin to aid our allies if required.

Question: Vladimir Kulagin, Vedomosti.

To what degree should and could the current escalation, initiated by the Biden administration’s approval for ATACMS strikes on Russia, influence the potential for establishing connections with the forthcoming Trump administration? How significant will this factor be in shaping relationships? Or are there perhaps other indicators that complicate this endeavour?

Vladimir Putin: We are unaware of the discussions between Mr Trump and the incumbent President during their meeting. We simply do not know, and therefore, we shall refrain from commenting on it – it is not feasible.

There are various scenarios. If incumbent President Biden believes that by escalating tensions, by intensifying the confrontation, he is paving the way for the future administration to extricate itself from this predicament, allowing the President-elect to say: “It’s not me, it’s others who have lost their senses. I have no part in this. Let’s engage in dialogue.” Certainly, that remains a possibility.

Another plausible scenario is that the current administration seeks to create additional challenges for the future administration. That too is conceivable. However, from my perspective, the newly elected president is both intelligent and experienced, and I believe he will discover a solution, especially after enduring such, shall we say, a significant challenge as the battle to reclaim the White House.

You know, what struck me most, and I think you share my view, was not the fact that entirely uncivilised means were employed against Trump, absolutely uncivilised, including attempts on his life, more than once (incidentally, I believe he is still not entirely safe). So what? There have been various instances in the history of the United States. I believe he is a wise and hopefully judicious individual who comprehends all this. But what astonished me more was that during the attacks on him, during the struggle against him, not only was he subjected to degrading, unfounded procedures, legal charges, and so on, but his family members and children were targeted.

Our gangsters do not engage in such behaviour. When criminal groups clash among themselves, they do not involve women and children; they leave them be, men fight among themselves. But these individuals did involve them, can you believe it? It is so repugnant that it underscores once more the complete disarray of today’s American political system.

Nevertheless, the country remains great, unquestionably. We are open to dialogue with the United States, including with the future administration.

Thank you very much. Have a pleasant day. Goodbye.

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