Brussels, 8 April 2024
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It is my great pleasure to be here with you, with the Rear Admiral Gryparis, Operation Commander of this new naval Operation ASPIDES – you know what it means in ancient Greek.
This operation was a clear and fast response by the European Union to the deteriorating situation in the Red Sea and in the Gulf of Aden that was having a negative impact on our commercial shipping and regional stability.
You know that the Houthis have been attacking with drones and missiles commercial ships, violating international law and freedom of navigation.
In doing so, they threaten maritime security, they jeopardise international trade and put regional peace and security at stake.
They create significant damage and cost people’s lives. They affect negatively the environmental security, and [the] regional economies.
This increases costs. The costs of shipped goods are affected. Even the population in Yemen are paying the consequences, because they are further deprived from life-saving assistance.
It increases the costs of food upon the economies in the region, which were already affected by the consequences of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine.
I want just – before giving the floor to the Operation Commander – to illustrate the reasons of this mission with some figures.
The Houthis’ attacks on the maritime traffic that had to be redirected around the Cape of Good Hope. And you may have a look at that through any Google application. This is 10 to 14 days more of travelling [per journey].
The cost of a container from China to Europe has doubled – it costs twice. And the insurance shipping [costs] have increased by 60%.
Before the crisis, 13% of the world trade transited through the Red Sea. Annually, 13% of the traffic was passing by these waters. Today, only half of the 70 ships that were passing daily, still use the Suez Canal.
So, it was necessary to intervene, and I am very proud that we were able to launch Operation ASPIDES only one month after the first discussions took place among Member States.
In one month, the operation was launched. It has become operational very quickly and it is fulfilling the [three-fold] mandate this mission has: to protect ships under attack, to accompany vessels, and to reinforce maritime [situational] awareness.
Rear Admiral Gryparis will give more operational details, but let me just emphasise that as of today, four Member States have been deploying frigates for the mission, and 19 Member States are contributing with personnel in the Operational Headquarters and the Force Headquarters.
In less than two months since the operation was launched, the operation has escorted [more than] 68 vessels and has repelled 11 attacks. So, it is a mission that has a certain, an important level of engagement and risk.
But [Operation ASPIDES] has a defensive mandate: we are not engaged in any operation against the Houthis on land. Our vessels operate in self-defence and to protect targeted ships.
It has to be clearly stated, because transparency and openness to regional actors has been our priority since we started preparing this Operation.
We have exchanged with regional states to discuss and communicate on ASPIDES’s mandate, and we will continue doing so.
Our mission is actively interacting with other partners engaged in re-establishing safety and security in the region.
We cooperate closely with the French-led Operation AGENOR. We have regular talks with the US-led Operation Prosperity Guardian.
I am very proud also that our two EU maritime operations ASPIDES and ATALANTA are cooperating closely and sharing the support of the Maritime Security Centre in Brest.
To conclude, before giving the floor to the Rear Admiral: this mission is a clear evidence of our will and our capacity to strengthen international security, to protect global public goods, to protect transportation routes, [and] to defend the European Union’s interests. It is a concrete example of the European Union acting as a maritime security provider.
And now, Commander, over to you for the more detailed information about the concrete actions of ASPIDES.
Q&A
High Representative, I would like to ask: are you satisfied with the results delivered until now by this Operation? Should we expect more developments, more decisions, actions regarding the Operation?
Well, as I said, the Operation was launched in record time. It was a quick answer, and [since] the mission has been deployed it has been working in a very satisfactory manner. The figures the Rear Admiral and myself presented to you show how necessary this mission was and at the same time, the level of engagement that they are having: the number of vessels being protected, the number of attacks that they have repelled. We are not talking about a game. They are rejecting attacks, real fire. They have to shut down missiles that are being addressed against the vessels that they are escorting. We are very much aware that this is a mission that brings or comes with a level of risk. We have to increase our capacity. Now we have four ships and occasional cooperation with others, but the Admiral knows very well that we are trying to work in order to increase the logistic support that the mission needs on land. And also, medical capacities just in case. But certainly, until now, the performance is very good, and I thank the [Rear] Admiral for that.
Which is the contribution of the merchants’ shipping companies to this Operation? Because mainly, it is done for them, for the industry. Are they contributing for this Operation, and how?
As I said, this is a security provider. And we have to balance the costs of action with the costs of non-action. The Council has allocated €8 million for the common costs to be borne by the Member States for the initial one-year mandate of the Operation. These €8 million do not include national borne costs, like the salaries. But compare these costs with what would be the cost if we do nothing. As I said, the Bab-el-Mandeb [strait] is being crossed by 30% of the global containers and 21% of the global energy transit. It is a vital arteria. It is a vital vein for us. We cannot let this part of the world without protection. It is our strategic interest, and we act as a security provider. And the cost for the budget of the European Union, for the budget of our military operations allocated by the Council is €8 million for the first year.
How was the tasking done? Is it on request by the merchants’ vessels? I just want to imagine how are our procedures as a maritime security provider. If I come down to the Operation : what are our ideas of sustainability? I know the mandate is now for one year, how do we want to go along with that? And what would be, in worst case, our exit strategy?
The Rear Admiral knows better than I how do they engage. I cannot tell you about how long the mission will be. I hope that the shorter possible, but it [does] not depend on me.
Is there any political exit from this crisis in the Red Sea, having in mind of course the Houthis’ argument and the situation in Gaza? Did you see any kind of political solution to get out of this tense situation?
Let me clarify that this initiative, this navy mission is not meant to be a response to the situation in Gaza, nor to the Israeli response to Hamas 7th October attacks. We have a strategic objective: it is to protect the lives of sailors, to ensure freedom of navigation and to secure international trade. This mission will be key to protect the maritime sea lines in a strategic corridor under attack. But it has nothing to do, it is not an answer to, it is not related to Iran and the Houthis or to the war in Gaza. This is something that certainly worries and concerns us a lot, but we are there in order to protect the ships, the lives of the sailors and our strategic interests.
Russia has sent its war ships to the Red Sea and has started drills there. My question to you: how does it impact the situation? Is it an asset or a problem?
Well, freedom of navigation is freedom of navigation. It is also for Russia. Russia can send their ships. We have rules of engagement. There are a lot of procedures to be followed by the different navies, in order to coexist in the same geographical [area].
How good is your contact with the Houthis when it comes to mitigate things that are going on? I wonder what impact the attack in the Embassy in Damascus might be having already. Has it slowed every anything down? Has it raised any concerns?
The [Rear] Admiral is very clear. They have to wait to be shoot [at] in order to react.
My question Mr Borrell, if you have any contact, direct or indirect, with the Houthis. If not, what is your message to the Houthis?
We follow the situation in this part of the world. We know that there is [a] relationship between the different actors in the region. We have condemned for example the attack against the Iranian Consulate. We have an executive area which [includes] also the north of the Muscat, the Arabian Sea, and the Gulf. We do not have a direct contact with the Houthis but – you know – we have an embassy in Yemen and we follow everything that happens in the region.
We want to keep channels of communication open with Iran. We call on Iran to show restraint and to use its influence to avoid escalation, in particular with relations to the Houthis. But I do not think Iran has a full control on the Houthis decision making. They have become quite autonomous.
You clarified earlier that the navy mission is not meant to be a response to the situation in Gaza, yet the Houthis have linked both. Do you think that if the war in Gaza ends tomorrow, the attacks will stop? Just to be clear on that: do you think there will be an end to the attacks against ships if tomorrow you find a political solution to the war?
Following the start of the Israel-Hamas war, the Houthis clearly positioned themselves – it is not a secret – as defenders of the Palestinian cause. This, certainly, has given them an increased popularity in the wider Muslim world. On the 19th of October, they started firing drones against commercial ships which they labelled “linked to Israel interest.” They started the 19th of October saying “I am going to attack ships related with the Israel[i] interest.”
Today, however, they attack commercial ships in the Red Sea, the Arabian Sea, indiscriminately. The link with the Israel[i] or American interest, who knows? They are coordinated with Iran. Well, they have a partnership of convenience. But the control of Houthis’ decision-making power is something that we do not know.
Certainly, the Houthis [have] been gaining capacity and autonomy. Now, 80 attacks, 80 attacks [have] been reported [to date]. In response, since October, there [have] been 30 military actions carried out by the United States or the United Kingdom. Since February, the Houthis have extended the scope of their attacks, and now they are requiring ships to obtain a permit from what they call the maritime first authority before entering Yemenis waters. They have also announced the expansion of the geographical scope of the attacks, to Israelis vessels sailing in the Indian ocean.
Well, certainly for the Houthis there is a relationship between the attacks they are performing and the war in Gaza. From our side, we just want to ensure freedom and security of navigation. We hope that we [can] control the situation, and this will not expand to a wider geographical zone.
Link to the video: https://audiovisual.ec.europa.eu/en/video/I-253842
Source – EEAS