In her first major policy speech since taking office in December, Kallas warned that the time for papers and declarations had passed. “Russia’s defence industry is churning out tanks, artillery shells, and glide bombs faster than we can match. This is a heavily militarised country, spending over a third of its national budget on the military, three times what it spent before the war. We must be realistic about the scale of this threat,” she said.
Sławomir Wojciechowski, Poland’s Military Representative to NATO and the EU Military Committee, speaking on behalf of Minister of National Defence Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz, said that: “For Europe, Russia’s aggressive policy poses a real and direct threats to security. We must remember that Russia’s objectives are not limited to Ukraine. A hypothetical victory for Moscow in Ukraine will be equivalent to the disintegration of the existing security architecture.”
Support to Ukraine and links to the United States and the United Kingdom
Kallas noted that the EU has so far provided €134 billion in support to Ukraine, including €50 billion in military aid. Additionally, the EU has trained 75,000 Ukrainian soldiers and imposed sanctions. “The Ukrainians are not just fighting for their freedom; they are defending ours too,” Kallas said. Collaboration with the United States and Britain remains essential, Kallas said, adding that the EU should be open to a new security agreement with London, now that Britain is outside the bloc.
General Brieger, Chairman of the EU Military Committee, told the conference: “For future success, we have to transform three levels in parallel: institutionally at the EU level; nationally, at the level of Member States; and in our mindset, on a personal level. For sure, this has to be coordinated to become, more and more, a real union of defence.”
Both Kallas and EDA Chief Executive Jiří Šedivý, who opened the conference, underlined that NATO remains the cornerstone of Euro-Atlantic security. However, both stressed that the EU must ensure it can act decisively and independently if necessary. The EDA is instrumental in achieving this goal, Šedivý said. He said: “Over the past decade, the amount of projects we manage has grown from around 200 million euros to over one billion euros per year.”
By fostering defence integration, it helps Member States pool resources, enhance interoperability, and address critical capability gaps in areas such as air defence, long-range missiles, and military mobility.
“If Europeans don’t get serious about defence, there will be no Europe as we know it left to defend,” Kallas warned.
Source – EDA
Defence: Speech by EU High Representative/Vice-President Kaja Kallas at the Annual Conference of the European Defence Agency
(e-translated and edited)
Brussels, 22 January 2025
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[A Changing Era for European Defence]
Dear colleagues,
Dear friends,
Dear guests,
The European Defence Agency was established in an era of optimism. In 2003, my predecessor Javier Solana wrote that Europe had never been so safe and prosperous. Yet, just over a decade later, Russia invaded a part of Ukraine and took it for its own. Twenty years later, Russia’s economy operates in full war mode.
President Putin is allocating over a third of his country’s budget to the military—three times more than before the war. For too long, we hoped Russia would choose cooperation over imperial ambitions. Instead, it has built a heavily militarised state that poses an existential threat to us all.
We are running out of time. Ukraine’s fight for freedom is also our fight. From the outset, the European Union and its Member States have stood by Ukraine, providing over €130 billion in total aid—€50 billion of which is military support—making us Ukraine’s largest international donor. By next month, we will have trained 75,000 Ukrainian soldiers, adopted sweeping sanctions, and ensured accountability for Russia’s actions.
[Accountability and Sanctions Against Russia]
Russia must pay for its actions. Windfall profits from frozen Russian assets, amounting to over €3 billion last year, are being redirected to support Ukraine. This includes ammunition, air defence, and investments in Ukraine’s defence industry. Discussions continue on leveraging immobilised assets to further assist Ukraine. Every day Russia prolongs this war, the cost must rise.
Our collective measures are beginning to take effect. Russia’s national funds are depleting, its interest rates exceed 20%, and its energy sector is struggling. Despite these hits, we must do more. Ukraine’s victory is essential for Europe’s security, as Putin’s regime only understands strength.
[Strengthening Europe’s Defence]
Europe’s strength lies in its unity. As soon as Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania exited the Soviet sphere, they joined the European Union and NATO. Today, we must unite again, not with a single European army but through interoperable and capable national armies.
We need a population that understands the stakes, more defence spending, and stronger military capabilities. Our Preparedness Strategy and White Paper aim to address these needs. Intelligence agencies warn that Russia could test Europe’s readiness within three to five years. We must heed their warnings and act accordingly.
[Investment and Capability Development]
Europe’s defence spending, currently averaging 1.9% of GDP, is insufficient compared to Russia’s 9%. Beyond funding, defence investments must account for long production timelines. Decisions made today may take years to materialise. Collaboration with Member States and private sectors is crucial, as is strategic planning to align capability gaps with industrial production.
The European Defence Agency plays an instrumental role here, facilitating cooperation among Member States and addressing industrial fragmentation. Consolidating defence industries and developing common weapons systems will reduce costs and enhance interoperability. A Single Market for Defence could unlock untapped industrial potential.
[Collaborating with Allies and Partners]
The United States remains our strongest ally, sharing common economic and security interests. Transatlantic cooperation is critical, as a failure to counter Russia effectively will embolden China. The European Union must take greater responsibility for its defence while complementing NATO’s efforts.
The United Kingdom, despite leaving the EU, remains a key security partner. A new agreement on defence cooperation is a logical step. NATO’s foundational role in collective defence underscores the importance of synergy between NATO and EU efforts.
[Tackling Hybrid Threats]
Europe faces hybrid warfare through cyberattacks, disinformation, and sabotage. Last year marked the first-ever EU sanctions against hybrid attacks. Recent initiatives include cybersecurity plans for healthcare, a sector increasingly targeted by malicious actors. Hybrid threats often prelude conventional attacks, underscoring the need for robust preparedness measures.
[Priorities for the Future]
As we mark 20 years of the European Defence Agency, we face an era of opposition rather than optimism. Three priorities stand out:
- Support for Ukraine: We must intensify and accelerate aid to Ukraine. Their fight is Europe’s frontline.
- Defence Preparedness: Increased investment in defence capabilities and industries is essential for long-term security.
- Allied Cooperation: Strengthening bonds with the United States, United Kingdom, and NATO is vital in a volatile global landscape.
Together, Europe has the strength to overcome these challenges. Let us use this strength to secure a peaceful and prosperous future.
Thank you.
*Link to the video: *https://audiovisual.ec.europa.eu/en/video/I-2661
Source – EEAS