Thu. Sep 19th, 2024

Brussels, 17 May 2022

The European Commission has approved under EU State aid rules and in line with the Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland annexed to the Agreement on the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community (‘Withdrawal Agreement’), Northern Ireland’s map for granting regional aid from 1 January 2022 to 31 December 2027, within the framework of the revised Regional aid Guidelines (‘RAG’).

The revised RAG, adopted by the Commission on 19 April 2021 and in force since 1 January 2022, enable support to the least favoured regions in catching up and to reduce disparities in terms of economic well-being, income and unemployment – cohesion objectives that underpin the Single Market. They also provide increased possibilities for supporting regions facing transition or structural challenges such as depopulation, to contribute fully to the green and digital transitions.

At the same time, the revised RAG maintain strong safeguards to prevent the use of public money from triggering the relocation of jobs across the EU’s Single Market, which is essential for fair competition.

Following the UK’s departure from the EU, the revised RAG apply also to Northern Ireland, pursuant to the Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland.

Northern Ireland’s regional aid map defines the regions eligible for regional investment aid. The map also establishes the maximum aid intensities in that eligible region. The aid intensity is the maximum amount of State aid that can be granted per beneficiary, expressed as a percentage of eligible investment costs.

Under the revised RAG, regions covering the entire population of Northern Ireland will be eligible for regional investment aid, under the derogation of Article 107(3)(c) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (‘TFEU’) (so-called ‘c’ areas).

The maximum aid intensity for large enterprises varies depending on the GDP per capita. In Belfast, a 10% maximum aid intensity will apply, while in the rest of the territory of Northern Ireland, the maximum aid intensity will be of 15%. That maximum aid intensity can be increased by 10 percentage points for investments made by medium-sized enterprises and by 20 percentage points for investments made by small enterprises, for their initial investments with eligible costs up to €50 million.

Background

Europe has always been characterised by significant regional disparities in terms of economic well-being, income and unemployment. Regional aid aims to support economic development in disadvantaged areas of Europe, while ensuring a level playing field between Member States.

In the RAG, the Commission sets out the conditions under which regional aid may be considered to be compatible with the internal market and establishes the criteria for identifying the areas that fulfil the conditions of Article 107(3)(a) and (c) of the TFEU (‘a’ and ‘c’ areas respectively). Annexes to the Guidelines identify the most disadvantaged regions, so-called ‘a’ areas, which include the outermost regions and regions whose GDP per capita is below or equal to 75% of the EU average, and the pre-defined ‘c’ areas, representing former ‘a’ areas and sparsely populated areas.

Member States can designate the so-called non-predefined ‘c’ areas, up to a maximum pre-defined ‘c’ coverage (for which figures are also available in Annexes I and II to the Guidelines) and in line with certain criteria. Member States need to notify their proposal for regional aid maps to the Commission for approval. In line with the Withdrawal Agreement and the Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland, this also applies to the United Kingdom in respect of Northern Ireland.

In particular, since 1 February 2020, the United Kingdom has withdrawn from the European Union. The Withdrawal Agreement provided for a transition period which ended on 31 December 2020. Since the end of the transition period, the Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland applies. The Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland is a solution found which avoids a hard border between Ireland/Northern Ireland, safeguarding the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement and ensuring the integrity of the EU’s Single Market for goods. In line with the Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland, a limited set of EU rules related to the Single Market for goods and the Customs Union apply in the United Kingdom in respect of Northern Ireland, including also State aid rules, applicable to and in the United Kingdom, in respect of measures that affect trade between Northern Ireland and the EU. In this context, the Protocol also foresees that the Commission is responsible for their enforcement and hence for approving the regional aid map in Northern Ireland.

The non-confidential version of today’s decision will be made available under the case number SA.101066 (in the State Aid Register) on the DG Competition website. New publications of state aid decisions on the internet and in the Official Journal are listed in the Competition Weekly e-News.

Source – EU Commission

 


Northern Ireland Protocol: Foreign Secretary’s statement, 17 May 2022

Foreign Secretary Liz Truss updated the House of Commons on the government’s intention to introduce legislation to make changes to the Northern Ireland Protocol.

Mr Speaker, I would like to update the House on the Northern Ireland Protocol, and to lay out the next steps.

Our first priority is to uphold the Belfast Good Friday Agreement in all its dimensions. That agreement put in place a new arrangement for the governance of Northern Ireland and these islands composed of three interlocking strands:

  • a power-sharing government at Stormont on the basis of consent and parity of esteem for all communities
  • intensified North-South cooperation on the island of Ireland
  • and enhanced arrangements for East-West cooperation

So much of the progress we have seen in Northern Ireland rests on this Agreement. And for the Agreement to continue to operate successfully, all 3 strands must function successfully.

These arrangements are the foundation on which the modern, thriving Northern Ireland is built. It commands the support of parties across this House. And we will continue to work with all communities in Northern Ireland to protect it.

As a government, we want to see a First Minister and Deputy First Minister in place, and we want to work with them to make further progress. The basis for successful power-sharing remains strong, as my Right Honourable Friend the Prime Minister laid out yesterday.

However, the Belfast Good Friday Agreement is under strain.

And, regrettably, the Northern Ireland Executive has not been fully functioning since early February. This is because the Northern Ireland Protocol does not have the support necessary in one part of the community in Northern Ireland.

I would also note that all of Northern Ireland’s political parties agree on the need for changes to the Protocol.

The practical problems are clear to see.

As the House will know, the Protocol has not yet been implemented in full due to the operation of grace periods and easements.

However, EU customs procedures for moving goods within the UK have already meant companies are facing significant costs and paperwork. Some businesses have stopped this trade altogether.

These challenges have been sharpened by the challenges of post-COVID economic recovery.

Rules on taxation mean that citizens in Northern Ireland are unable to benefit fully from the same advantages as the rest of the UK, like the reduction in VAT on solar panels.

SPS rules mean that producers face onerous restrictions, including veterinary certification, in order to sell food stuffs in shops in Northern Ireland.

These practical problems have contributed to the sense that the East-West relationship has been undermined.

Without resolving these and other issues, we will not be able to re-establish the Executive and preserve the hard-won progress sustained by the Belfast Good Friday Agreement.

We need to restore the balance in the Agreement.

Mr Speaker, our preference is to reach a negotiated outcome with the EU. We have worked tirelessly to that end and will continue to do so.

I have had 6 months of negotiations with Vice-President Maroš Šefčovič. This follows a year of discussions undertaken by my predecessor.

The UK has proposed what we believe to be a comprehensive and reasonable solution to deliver on the objectives of the Protocol.

This includes a trusted trader scheme to provide the EU with real time commercial data, giving them confidence that goods intended for Northern Ireland are not entering the EU Single Market.

We are already sharing over 1 million rows of goods movement data with the EU every week.

Our proposed solution would meet both our and the EU’s original objectives for the Protocol. It would address the frictions in East-West trade, while protecting the EU Single Market and the Belfast Good Friday Agreement.

The challenge is that this solution requires a change in the Protocol itself, as its current drafting prevents it from being implemented, but the EU’s mandate does not allow the Protocol to be changed.

This is why their current proposals are not able to address the fundamental concerns.

In fact it is our assessment that they would go backward from the situation we have today with the standstill.

As the Prime Minister said, our shared objective has to be to find a solution that can command the broadest possible cross-community support for years to come and protect the Belfast Good Friday Agreement in all its dimensions.

That is why I am announcing our intention to introduce legislation in the coming weeks to make changes to the Protocol.

Our preference remains a negotiated solution with the EU.

In parallel with the legislation being introduced, we remain open to further talks if we can achieve the same outcome through negotiated settlement.

I have invited Vice-President Šefčovič to a meeting of the Withdrawal Agreement Joint Committee in London to discuss this as soon as possible.

However to respond to the very grave and serious situation in Northern Ireland we are clear that there is a necessity to act to ensure the institutions can be restored as soon as possible.

The Government is clear that proceeding with the Bill is consistent with our obligations in international law – and in support of our prior obligations in the Belfast Good Friday Agreement

And before any changes are made we will consult businesses and people in Northern Ireland as our proposals are put forward.

I want to be clear to the House that this is not about scrapping the Protocol. Our aim is to deliver on the Protocol’s objectives.

We will cement those provisions which are working in the Protocol, including the Common Travel Area, the Single Electricity Market and North-South cooperation, whilst fixing those elements that aren’t: on the movement of goods, goods regulation, VAT, subsidy control, and governance.

The Bill will put in place the necessary measures to lessen the burden on East-West trade and to ensure the people of Northern Ireland are able to access the same benefits as the people of Great Britain.

The Bill will ensure that goods moving and staying within the UK are freed of unnecessary bureaucracy through our new ‘green channel’. This respects Northern Ireland’s place in the UK’s customs territory and protects the UK internal market.

At the same time, it ensures that goods destined for the EU undergo the full checks and controls applied under EU law.

This will be underpinned by data-sharing arrangements that I have already set out.

It will allow both East-West trade and the EU single market to be protected while removing customs paperwork for goods remaining in the UK.

The Bill will remove regulatory barriers to goods made to UK standards being sold in Northern Ireland. Businesses will be able to choose between meeting UK or EU standards in a new dual regulatory regime.

The Bill will provide the Government with the ability to decide on tax and spend policies across the whole of the UK.

It will address issues related to governance, bringing the Protocol in line with international norms. At the same time, it will take new measures to protect the EU Single Market by implementing robust penalties for those who seek to abuse the new system. And it will continue to ensure that there is no hard border on the island of Ireland.

I will publish more detail on these solutions in the coming weeks.

And let me be crystal clear that even as we do so, we will continue to engage with the EU.

The Bill will contain an explicit power to give effect to a new, revised Protocol if we can reach an accommodation that meets our goal of protecting the Belfast Good Friday Agreement. We remain open to a negotiated solution, but the urgency of the situation means we can’t afford to delay any longer.

The UK has clear responsibilities as the sovereign government of Northern Ireland to ensure parity of esteem and the protection of economic rights.

We are clear that the EU will not be negatively impacted in any way – just as we have ensured the protection of the EU Single Market since the existence of the Protocol.

We must restore the primacy of the Belfast Good Friday Agreement in all its dimensions as the basis for the restoration of the Executive.

We will do so through technical measures designed to achieve the stated objectives of the Protocol, tailored to the reality of Northern Ireland.

We will do so in a way that fundamentally respects both unions: that of the UK and of the EU.

And we will live up to our commitments to all communities of Northern Ireland. As co-signatory and co-guarantor of the Belfast Good Friday Agreement, we will take the necessary decisions to preserve peace and stability.

I commend this statement to the House.

Published 17 May 2022

Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland: Statement by Vice-President Maroš Šefčovič following today’s announcement by the UK Foreign Secretary

Brussels, 17 May 2022

The European Union wishes to have a positive and stable relationship with the United Kingdom. This relationship must be based on the full respect of the legally binding commitments that the two sides have made to one another, based on the implementation of the Withdrawal Agreement and the Trade and Cooperation Agreement. Both parties negotiated, agreed and ratified these agreements.

After long and intensive discussions between the EU and the UK, the Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland is the solution found to reconcile the challenges created by Brexit, and by the type of Brexit chosen by the UK government. The Protocol is an integral part of the Withdrawal Agreement. It avoids a hard border on the island of Ireland, protects the 1998 Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement in all its dimensions, and ensures the integrity of the EU Single Market.

The EU has shown understanding for the practical difficulties of implementing the Protocol, demonstrating that solutions can be found within its framework. For instance, the same medicines continue to be available in Northern Ireland at the same time as in the rest of the UK.

The European Commission put forward additional far-reaching and impactful bespoke arrangements to facilitate the flow of goods from Great Britain to Northern Ireland. These proposals – stemming from our extensive engagement with stakeholders in Northern Ireland – provide for, among other things, an express lane with drastically reduced and simplified customs procedures on an unprecedented scale. They can deliver a real difference on the ground.

The European Commission stands ready to continue discussions with the UK government to identify joint solutions within the framework of the Protocol that would benefit people and businesses in Northern Ireland. The potential of the flexibilities put forward by the European Commission is yet to be fully explored, and the Commission remains keen to do that with the UK government.

The announcement by the UK government, however, to table legislation that would disapply constitutive elements of the Protocol, raises significant concerns. First, because the Protocol is the solution agreed between the EU and the UK to address the challenges posed by the UK’s withdrawal from the EU for the island of Ireland, and to protect the hard-earned gains of the peace process. Second, because the Protocol is an international agreement signed by the EU and the UK. Unilateral actions contradicting an international agreement are not acceptable. Third, because the Withdrawal Agreement and its Protocol are the necessary foundation for the Trade and Cooperation Agreement, which the EU and the UK have agreed upon to organise their overall relationship after the UK’s withdrawal.

Should the UK decide to move ahead with a bill disapplying constitutive elements of the Protocol as announced today by the UK government, the EU will need to respond with all measures at its disposal. Our overarching objective is to find joint solutions within the framework of the Protocol. That is the way to ensure legal certainty and predictability for people and businesses in Northern Ireland.

With political will and commitment, practical issues arising from the implementation of the Protocol in Northern Ireland can be resolved. The European Commission stands ready to continue playing its part, as it has from the outset.

Source – EU Commission

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